The Coalition des Forces Républicaines says it wants security, dialogue and elections. But its sudden appearance, its political cast, its immediate access to CARICOM, and the record of some of its leaders make skepticism not only legitimate — but necessary.
André Michel emerged from a meeting with representatives of CARICOM on Monday, September 7, at the Hôtel Montana, speaking once again in the language that has become familiar in Haitian transition politics: security, consensus, dialogue, elections, and a “solution” to the crisis.
This time, however, Michel is speaking under the banner of a new organization: the Coalition des Forces Républicaines, or CFR.
And before Haitians are asked to accept another coalition, another political accord, another CARICOM consultation, and potentially another modification of the country’s political roadmap, several basic questions deserve answers.
Why Create a New Coalition Now?
What exactly is the CFR trying to accomplish that Haiti’s existing electoral institutions are not already supposed to accomplish?
The CFR has not yet demonstrated that it is an electoral coalition preparing to compete within the process, rather than another political pressure mechanism seeking to renegotiate the process from outside it.
The skepticism becomes deeper because the CFR’s first major political move was not simply to address Haitian voters. It was to meet CARICOM. CARICOM has played an unusually influential role in shaping Haiti’s political arrangements since 2023–2024, and a coalition choosing that body as one of its first political interlocutors — rather than the Haitian public or the CEP — invites the obvious question of who its proposal is really addressed to.
André Michel’s own political record adds to that skepticism. His history of shifting between political alliances over the years is well documented in Haitian politics, and it is fair for the public to ask what role, if any, that pattern plays in the CFR’s formation now.
None of this proves bad faith. But it does mean the burden of proof sits with the CFR, not with the public that is asked to trust it.
Seven Questions the CFR Should Answer
Before CARICOM — or anyone else — treats the CFR as representing a significant segment of Haitian political opinion, the coalition should disclose enough information for Haitians to evaluate it themselves.
- Who are all 44 organizations? Publish the complete membership list, leadership, and legal status of every organization claiming membership.
- What exactly did the CFR present to CARICOM on September 7? Publish the proposal in full.
- Does the CFR accept the December 13, 2026 electoral date? Yes or no.
- Does the CFR recognize the authority of the current CEP to organize those elections?
- Is the coalition requesting the removal or restructuring of the current government?
- Are CFR leaders or their organizations preparing presidential, legislative, or local candidates?
- What prevents the CFR from presenting its concerns directly to the CEP and the Haitian public, rather than making CARICOM one of its first political interlocutors?
None of these questions is unreasonable. For an organization claiming 44 political structures, transparency should be the easiest part.
The More Serious Test: Publish the Proposal
This is where André Michel can answer critics decisively.
Publish everything. Publish the CFR agreement. Publish the 44-member list. Publish the proposal delivered to CARICOM. Publish the coalition’s position on the December election. Publish its position on the CEP. Publish any demand regarding the current government.
Then Haitians can determine whether the organization represents a genuine electoral coalition, a negotiating bloc, a pressure group, or another attempt to redesign the transition.
Until then, suspicion will grow — precisely because Haitian politics has produced too many coalitions whose real objectives became clear only after negotiations were already underway.
CARICOM Should Also Explain Its Role
CARICOM has repeatedly insisted that Haiti’s solution must be Haitian-led and Haitian-owned. Its February 2026 statement again stressed that principle. That principle should now be tested.
If elections are being organized by Haiti’s CEP, then outside mediation should strengthen the constitutional return to elected government — not create a competing political center capable of indefinitely renegotiating the timetable.
CARICOM therefore should make clear: is its September mission intended to help protect the electoral process, or to negotiate another political arrangement? Those objectives should not be blurred.
The Haiti Politic Position: Skepticism Is Justified; The Evidence Must Decide
There is currently not enough publicly verified evidence to declare the CFR a “fake movement created to destabilize the elections.” That allegation would go beyond what the available evidence establishes.
But there is more than enough evidence to justify intense scrutiny. A coalition claiming 44 organizations appeared days ago. One of its most visible figures has participated in repeated changes of political alliance. Its first major action included consultations with the same regional organization that helped engineer Haiti’s previous transitional framework. Its detailed political proposal has not yet been publicly examined. And all of this is occurring while Haiti’s electoral authority is already registering candidates for elections scheduled in December.
That combination creates a legitimate question that André Michel cannot dismiss as hostility: if the CFR truly exists to help Haiti reach elections, then everything it does from this point forward should make December 13 more achievable — not less.
Haiti Cannot Keep Resetting the Political Clock
This is where the CFR debate becomes larger than André Michel.
Haiti has had enough transitional coalitions. Enough emergency agreements. Enough elite conferences. Enough governments created by political negotiation without popular votes.
If André Michel and the Coalition des Forces Républicaines want to demonstrate that this movement is different, the solution is remarkably simple: show Haiti the documents. Name the 44 organizations. Publish the CARICOM proposal. State clearly whether you support the election calendar. And then compete for political power where political power ultimately belongs — at the ballot box.
Because after years of transition, the most revolutionary political agreement Haiti could make may be the simplest one: stop negotiating over who governs Haiti — and finally allow Haitians to decide.
